In the fourth century BC, the Athenian rhetorician Isocrates compared the political leadership of the day unfavourably with that of Solon and Cleisthenes, the fathers of Athenian democracy. He referred to a polity which “trained the citizens in such fashion that they looked upon insolence as democracy, lawlessness as liberty, impudence of speech as equality, and licence to do what they pleased as happiness”.

To an observer of the tragic riots that took place in the centre of Athens this week, it would appear that not much has changed in the intervening centuries. Most citizens of northern Europe or North America must be puzzled by the violent outbreaks that accompanied the parliamentary debate of reforms demanded by the EU and IMF in order to secure the proposed rescue package. Surely, they would argue, the graft and inefficiency that characterizes the Greek public sector must be dealt with now that its true extent has come to light, and a period of austerity is unavoidable if the country’s economy is ever to recover. Once the rest of Europe has discovered that much of the country is paid to do nothing by the state, while many of those who do work pay no taxes, one would think that the overwhelming reaction would be sheepish acceptance that the party is now over.

First, the violent protesters are a very small minority of Athenians. Reports of 100,000 people taking to the streets are almost certainly a wild exaggeration (other sources put the number at closer to 25,000), and the hood-wearing, ultra left wing militants who burned a branch of the Marfin Egnatia bank and killed three people were a group of 15 or so.

However, displays of public anger have long been a feature of life in Athens; this is because many ordinary folk simply do not trust their leaders ever to act in the best interests of the people.

Greeks are no lazier or more venal than any other nation, but Greek society is less disciplined.

Most of the civil servants who never turn up for work in government departments are working one or two other jobs in the private sector (or, it must be said, the black market). Those who do not pay taxes to the government are in fact paying unofficial taxes in the form of ‘fakelakia’ (envelopes of cash) for many of the services that the government should be providing, from health services to building and business permits, as well as to the tax inspectors so that their tax avoidance is overlooked. Another peculiarly Greek word ‘rousfeti’, describes the web of political patronage and bribery that has prevailed in the country at least since it was part of the Ottoman Empire. Not all traditions should be cherished.

Essentially, since the foundation of the Modern Greek state in 1822, successive Greek governments, whether led by right wing military dictators or left wing socialist demagogues, have failed the people. Political stability has been hard to come by (the UK has had 51 prime ministers since 1830, while, since 1822, Greece has had 182), while confusingly, and despite their poor record, a few dynasties continue to dominate the political landscape. Are not the people partly to blame for continuing to vote for the same parties? Perhaps, but there has historically been a lack of any credible alternative and a real fear of how much worse things might get if the communist KKE party ever came to power.

Over centuries, the Hellenes have learned not to rely on their political leaders. Instead, while almost every Greek supports a political party in much the same way as they support a football club, smaller collective units command the most loyalty. First comes family, then the local community, then perhaps one’s guild or union (many Greek professions are ‘closed’ to outside competition), and only then a political party. Except in times of war (or great sporting triumph), this does not leave much room for loyalty to the state and the nation. Or rather, the Greeks do love their country, but do not identify with its central leadership.

This situation is exacerbated by the entrenched interests that take full advantage of this distrust. The first Greek head of state, the great statesman Count Ioannis Capodistrias, attempted to reduce the political power of tribal leaders in various parts of Greece and was promptly assassinated for his trouble by members of the powerful Mavromichalis clan from the Mani. The latest troubles, which have resulted in three deaths and extensive damage to central Athens, were promoted by the communist trades union P.A.M.E and others. These organisations see the current debt crisis as an opportunity for a power grab, or perhaps they fear that any reforms will erode their existing power base. At any rate, they are exploiting the gulf between the people and the leadership of the mainstream parties for political gain. Continued civil unrest can only worsen the lives of everyday Athenians as public transport is disrupted, shops and kiosks are vandalized and tourists are driven away.

And yet continue it probably will for, as Isocrates also wrote: “How can we tolerate a government which has in the past been the cause of so many evils and which is now year by year ever drifting on from bad to worse?”